kaltenbrunnerpress - BEFORE OTHERS SPEAK FOR ME Personal History, Political Era, and Intellectua

THE LACKEYS OF TYRANNY:

HOW AUTHORITARIAN REGIMES ENGINEERED LIES

THE MACHINERY OF SUBMISSION:

DICTATORSHIPS, SERVANTS, AND THE PROPAGANDA SEWER

An immunity to coordinated media attacks, developed over years of scrutiny, is the indispensable armor of any uncompromising investigator who dares to challenge systemic corruption. When an author has spent decades confronting absurd rumors, anonymous leaks, and unverified falsehoods manufactured against them, they inevitably become hardened to the noise, refusing to waste emotional energy on self-defense before an army of mercenary instigators. For an individual who has dedicated their life to unearthing uncomfortable truths, such assaults by regime henchmen become nothing more than a metric of their own effectiveness: if the authoritarian apparatus and its pocket media spit venom and stoop to marketplace gossip, it serves as proof that the blow hit the exact target and that the compiled facts pose a lethal threat to their corrupt hierarchy. This habit of living in the crosshairs of deception transforms personal tribulation into a monolithic certainty of one’s own rectitude, because no amount of sophisticated slander, bankrolled by oligarchic clans, can ever outlive dry, verifiable archival evidence that ultimately restores historical justice.

My Reflection

The Architects of Defamation
The media landscape has been completely occupied by professional instigators and merchants of manufactured sensations. These individuals have transformed the collection of filthy rumors and the engineering of tailored compromising material into a highly lucrative business, where human reputation serves merely as small change. Modern gossips no longer whisper in corners—they broadcast from multi-million-user platforms, masking personal baseness behind the facade of investigative journalism. Their primary objective is not the pursuit of truth, but the generation of a continuous stream of toxic noise capable of poisoning any noble endeavor.

The Syndicate of Servility
Behind every authoritative liar in modern media stands an entire army of cynical henchmen, ready to trample any honest name for a fee. Editors, bankrolled bloggers, and technical writers form a finely tuned syndicate of media service, operating under directives from above. They possess neither independent thought nor professional pride, obediently broadcasting whatever deceit the client has generously paid for today. This servicing personnel of the system acts as the main engine driving the degradation of the modern press, reducing public discourse to a marketplace squabble.

The Anatomy of Information Sewage
The information flow generated by biased media resembles an open sewer into which tons of fabricated compromising material and engineered gossip are daily discharged. Liars on the payroll are masters of the technology of half-truths: they take a single drop of real fact, blend it with a mountain of fiction, and package it into a screaming headline. This method enables them to manipulate public consciousness, forcing the audience to fiercely debate the fictional sins of fictional characters while genuine crimes remain in the shadows.

The Culture of Orchestrated Squabbles
Media squabbles and public scandals between journalists of opposing camps are a meticulously scripted circus designed to divert attention. Mediocre writers orchestrate ferocious virtual brawls, feigning a principled fight for values, while in reality they are merely burning through partisan budgets. This artificial noise incinerates the information field, leaving no room for profound analysis or serious investigation into systemic corruption, which is pathologically terrified of silence and documentation.

The Parasites of Attention
Gossips in the media operate as classic parasites, draining the remnants of critical thinking from society. They prey on basic human frailties—curiosity, envy, and fear—substituting the dissection of personal secrets for critical state and economic agendas. By presenting gossip as front-page news, these manipulators systematically untrain people from thinking macroscopically, narrowing their worldview to the level of peeping through a keyhole.

The Machinery of Character Assassination
The industry of deceit in the press has developed a conveyor-belt method of destroying reputations, known as "character assassination." If an honest individual or an independent researcher refuses to submit to the rules of a corrupt system, a pack of media henchmen is instantly unleashed upon them. The filthiest tactics are deployed: quotes ripped from context, stale rumors, speculations, and outright slander. This coordinated strike is designed to entirely discredit the author and compel the reader to doubt their integrity.

The Financial Engine of Deceit
At the foundation of every media scandal and torrent of lies lie concrete financial interests. Every planned disinformation campaign and every protracted squabble across newspaper pages or digital spaces is generously sponsored by oligarchic clans or corrupt officials. The henchmen of the pen know precisely the price of their silence and the price of their outcry, turning journalism from an instrument of public oversight into a weapon for hire.

The Destruction of Moral Anchors
Systemic deception and the dominance of gossips in the media perform a terrifyingly destructive function—they annihilate societal moral compasses. When lies pour from every channel around the clock, the vision of the ordinary person blurs, leading them to believe that integrity does not exist at all and that everyone is equally corrupt. This societal apathy provides the ideal breeding ground for corrupt actors, as a population that has lost faith in everything ceases to demand justice or punish liars.

The Complicity of Silence
Those media employees who witness the dominance of squabbles and deception but choose to remain cowardly silent to safeguard their comfortable positions are direct accomplices to this crime. Their silent consent legitimizes the baseness of their colleagues and unties the hands of the most unscrupulous manipulators. The press, which was meant to be the custodian of society, has transformed due to the cowardice and venality of the majority into the primary nursery for information contagion.

The Triumph of Unyielding Truth
Despite the colossal resources possessed by the syndicates of deceit and their loyal henchmen, their constructs invariably prove to be houses of cards when confronted with hard facts. Gossip is short-lived, and manufactured squabbles are forgotten the moment their funding ceases. A monolithic investigation, anchored by unassailable archival documents, is capable of shattering years of media deception with a single blow, restoring sight to society and justice to history.

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The publication of my two-volume research work will inevitably attract public interest not only toward the materials and conclusions presented in these books, but also toward my own biography, my past, and the historical periods through which my life has passed. I understand this fully and regard such attention as natural and predictable. A person who publicly addresses political, legal, historical, and social questions must also be prepared for public interest in his own life path, professional background, and previous state service.

I do not conceal the fact that my biography was connected for many years with the Soviet political, governmental, and administrative system. Like millions of people of my generation, I lived and worked within the realities of the USSR — a state that shaped an entire historical era and influenced the destinies of hundreds of millions of people. My professional path included work within state institutions, administrative structures, and parliamentary bodies during a complex and contradictory historical period. This is part of my biography, part of my personal history, and I do not intend to erase or deny it.

At the same time, I believe it is both intellectually dishonest and historically simplistic to evaluate an individual exclusively through fragments of political epochs, ideological labels, or selective interpretations detached from historical context. Human life is always more complicated than political slogans, retrospective judgments, or emotional accusations. Every historical period leaves behind difficult questions, contradictions, compromises, and moral complexities that cannot be understood through primitive black-and-white interpretations.

For this reason, I consciously speak openly about my biography and my past. I do not consider openness to be weakness. On the contrary, intellectual honesty requires the courage to acknowledge one’s own life path without embellishment, without mythology, and without fear of public discussion. I believe that a person should be judged not only by the circumstances of earlier decades, but also by his capacity for reflection, personal evolution, intellectual integrity, and moral responsibility before history and society.

I am also fully aware that various materials concerning my name, my past, or my activities may appear on the internet. Some of these materials may contain criticism, political interpretations, emotionally charged accusations, distortions, or information presented without proper historical context and factual balance. I understand that public life, political subjects, and investigative work inevitably generate controversy and conflicting narratives. Nevertheless, I believe that serious readers and thoughtful individuals are capable of distinguishing between objective analysis and politically motivated simplifications.

I do not intend to rewrite the history of my life, nor do I intend to construct artificial legends about myself. However, I also will not allow others to rewrite my biography in my place, selectively interpreting fragments of the past while ignoring historical complexity, context, and the reality of an entire era. Therefore, before others attempt to speak for me, I consider it both fair and necessary to speak openly in my own voice.

Brief Biographical Essay

Mayer Meir Kaltenbrunner: A Journey of Truth, Scholarship, and Freedom

Origins and Early Years

Mayer Meir Kaltenbrunner (born Nikolay Nikolayevich Gerasimov) was born on May 8, 1963, in the city of Mary, Turkmen Soviet Socialist Republic, then part of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR).

*My former personal data, under which my certificates, state diplomas of education, awards, credentials as a member of the Parliamentary Anti-Corruption Commission of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, and CPSU party documents were issued, reflected a complex and difficult era. Due to the systemic discrimination against Jews that existed in the Soviet Union, my family was forced to give me a Russian name and surname, passed down through the maternal line from my great-grandmother from the city of Serpukhov. After bearing these names for 57 years, in 2021 I made a conscious decision to restore my ancestral identity. This name change was an act of returning to my true roots on my father's side, which unites German and Jewish heritage.

Archival and official records confirm that since 1977, Mayer Meir Kaltenbrunner permanently resided in the city of Ashgabat, Turkmen Soviet Socialist Republic, which at that time formed part of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), and later the independent state of Turkmenistan. His family relocated to Ashgabat from the city of Mary, located approximately 364 kilometers from the republican capital. For many years, he resided at 55 Magtymguly Avenue, Apartment 11, and graduated from Secondary School No. 12 in Ashgabat.

His family history is inseparably linked to one of the most tragic chapters of twentieth-century European history. On his father’s side, he descends from a family of German-Jewish origin. His father, Meir Galtzermann-Olberg (Kaltenbrunner), became a victim of Nazi persecution during childhood. Virtually his entire family perished in the Treblinka extermination camp in 1942 after deportation from the Warsaw Ghetto, sharing the fate of millions of European Jews murdered during the Holocaust.

Mayer Meir’s childhood and youth unfolded in the Soviet Union a state that became both a refuge for many survivors of war and a place marked by complex political and national contradictions. Under the realities of Soviet life, preserving historical memory, national identity, and family heritage often presented significant challenges. For this reason, throughout most of his life he used the Russian name and surname inherited from his great-grandmother, under which he became known in his professional, public, and governmental activities.

Only decades later, following the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the restoration of personal freedom in matters of identity, he made the decision to officially reclaim his ancestral family name, Mayer Meir Kaltenbrunner. For him, this step represented not merely a legal act, but also a symbolic return to the memory of relatives who perished during the Holocaust, a restoration of historical justice, and an expression of respect for the legacy of his ancestors.

From an early age, Mayer Meir demonstrated a profound interest in history, politics, international affairs, and social development. These interests would later define his life’s work as a researcher, public intellectual, author, and social commentator, dedicating a substantial part of his career to issues of historical memory, human dignity, freedom of expression, and resistance to political oppression.

His personal biography reflects the dramatic historical transformations of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries—from the legacy of the Holocaust and life in the Soviet Union to political persecution, forced exile, and the pursuit of democratic values, intellectual independence, and human freedom. These experiences profoundly influenced both his scholarly work and his public engagement, shaping a lifelong commitment to historical truth, justice, and civic responsibility.

Education and Scientific Activity

Mayer Meir received a fundamental higher education in Central Asia USSR and Russia:

In 1985, he successfully graduated from the Faculty of Law at the Tashkent State Central Asian University, majoring in Jurisprudence.

In 1989, he completed his studies at the Faculty of Journalism at the Tashkent Central Asian University.

In July 1999, by the decision of the State Supreme Attestation Committee of the Russian Federation in Moscow, he was awarded the academic degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Ph.D.). In December 1999, by the decision of the State Attestation Committee of the State of Israel, he was awarded the academic degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in Jurisprudence.

State and Political Career

From the 1980s, Mayer Meir led an active socio-political and state activity. He was elected to the Parliament of the USSR, the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, as a member of the Supreme Soviet commission on countering corruption. He worked in the field of international information for the Central Committee of the CPSU, served as a political advisor, and subsequently held the highest state positions in the Government of Turkmenistan. Over the years, he served as First Deputy Minister and Minister for Press and Information Affairs, as well as an assistant to the President of Turkmenistan on legal and general political matters.

Documentary Evidence of Forced Displacement

In February 2004, due to a serious threat to his personal safety and continuing political persecution by the authoritarian regime of Saparmurat Niyazov, Mayer Meir Kaltenbrunner was compelled to leave his country and seek international protection.

His departure from Turkmenistan was carried out under a special international humanitarian procedure with the assistance of the United States Department of State, the United States Diplomatic Mission in Turkmenistan, as well as with the participation of institutions of the United Nations (UN) and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE).

An active role in addressing the humanitarian issues related to his safety and departure from Turkmenistan was played by United States Secretary of State, General Colin Luther Powell and former President of Finland Martti Ahtisaari, who served as the OSCE Special Representative for Central Asia.

These documents constitute official evidence of circumstances surrounding a forced displacement caused by political developments and the necessity of ensuring personal security. They form part of an international humanitarian case file associated with the provision of protection and the subsequent emigration of Mayer Meir Kaltenbrunner from Turkmenistan.

Life in Norway and the Search for a New Homeland

Since July 7, 2006, Mayer Meir Kaltenbrunner has resided in the Kingdom of Norway, where he was granted official political asylum under a humanitarian program administered through the United Nations and the quota system of the Norwegian Directorate of Immigration. Although the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany officially recognized his right to restore German citizenship in 2020 as a descendant of victims of the National Socialist regime, he consciously declined this opportunity.

Today, Mayer Meir Kaltenbrunner regards Norway as his true and beloved homeland. A significant part of his public and scholarly activities has been devoted to preserving the historical memory of the Holocaust, combating manifestations of antisemitism, and defending historical truth. He has participated in numerous international commemorative events, including ceremonies marking the 80th anniversary of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising, held at the invitation of the President of the Republic of Poland.

As a researcher and author, Mayer Meir Kaltenbrunner is the author of three academic monographs in the field of forensic science, as well as seven books devoted to international affairs, history, law, and socio-political commentary.

A special place in his scholarly work is occupied by his extensive research into the history of Norway. Over a period of five years, the author conducted archival and historical research, collecting a substantial body of source material on the development of the Norwegian Kingdom from ancient times to the present day. The result of this work was a comprehensive book on the history of Norway, published in a circulation of 25,000 copies in the Russian language.

This publication has become one of the most extensive Russian-language studies dedicated to Norwegian history. The book is used by university students, researchers, educators, and members of the Russian-speaking diaspora for the study of Norway’s history, culture, and political development. Through this work, the author has made a significant contribution to promoting knowledge of Norway’s historical heritage, strengthening cultural understanding between nations, and disseminating objective information about the Scandinavian region among readers in Russia, the CIS countries, and Russian-speaking communities throughout the world.

The author considers this work to be one of his most important contributions to strengthening academic, cultural, and humanitarian ties between Norway and the Russian-speaking world, fostering a deeper understanding of Norwegian history, society, and national identity among international audiences.

In 1988, within the territory of the Turkmen Soviet Socialist Republic, in the city of Chardzhou, one of the most shocking and tragic crimes of that period took place — the murder of city prosecutor Khalima Razybaeva. This case shook not only the city itself, but the entire republic, because it increasingly became evident that this was not an ordinary criminal act, but a crime exposing the deep corruption of the party-administrative system and the influence of mafia-like clan structures closely connected with the republican authorities. Society quickly realized that this was not merely the murder of a public official, but a direct confrontation with a dangerous system of mutual protection, fear, political pressure, and corruption.

At that time, the leadership of the Turkmen SSR headed by Saparmurat Niyazov was крайне interested in ensuring that this case would not gain all-Union publicity and would remain confined within the republic. There were serious concerns that broad public exposure could severely damage the reputation of the republican party leadership, uncover corrupt mechanisms within state institutions, and undermine the official propaganda image of “stability” and “order.” For this reason, the criminal investigation was conducted slowly and inconsistently, while every effort was made to minimize public attention and quietly close the matter.

During that period, I served as a member of the Parliamentary Commission of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR on Combating Corruption and also worked as a correspondent affiliated with the central government newspaper Pravda, where I published under the literary pseudonym Mikhail Volkov. Understanding the public danger of what was taking place and realizing that silence would only strengthen the atmosphere of impunity, I published materials in one of the Soviet Union’s principal newspapers concerning corrupt clan structures, the party mafia system, and the circumstances surrounding the murder of Khalima Razybaeva. These publications generated significant public resonance and drew the attention of the союзный center in Moscow.

Following the appearance of these materials in Pravda, a special investigative-operational group from the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR was dispatched to the Turkmen SSR, and the investigation immediately acquired a completely different scale and seriousness. Comprehensive inspections, interrogations, and reviews of the activities of local party and administrative structures began. It was from this moment that relations between Saparmurat Niyazov and myself rapidly deteriorated. For the republican leadership, the very attempt to bring the issue of corruption and clan influence to the all-Union level was perceived as a direct threat to the political system that had been constructed inside the republic.

Over time, Saparmurat Niyazov succeeded in creating a political narrative around my name in which I was portrayed not as a person exposing corruption and abuse of power, but as a “troublemaker,” an “anonymous informant,” a “difficult and conflict-prone individual,” and a distributor of complaints. Society was gradually presented with an artificial choice — not between truth and falsehood, but between “stability” and the “danger of conflict.” Such political methods were widely used in both the late Soviet and post-Soviet periods: rather than addressing the problem itself, the system sought to discredit the individual who dared to speak about it.

It was precisely during this time that various rumors, gossip, and fabrications about me began spreading throughout the republic. A deliberate image was constructed portraying me as someone who supposedly “could not work with people,” “constantly filed complaints,” “conflicted with authorities,” or personally had hidden interests and questionable connections. Such methods were well known within the Soviet bureaucratic tradition: if it proved impossible to force a person into silence completely, then the next step was to undermine public trust in that individual through insinuations, slander, and informational attacks.

After the collapse of the USSR, this practice did not disappear. On the contrary, under conditions of concentrated personal power and the absence of independent oversight, negative publications, rumors, and defamatory materials directed against me continued to circulate through certain Russian media outlets as well. The objective of these efforts was obvious — to portray me in a negative light, damage my reputation, and undermine confidence in any criticism of corruption inside Turkmenistan. At the same time, Saparmurat Niyazov established one of the most closed and authoritarian political systems in the post-Soviet space, while enormous revenues from gas, oil, and cotton exports effectively came under the control of a narrow circle connected to the ruling elite.

Genre: Detective. Turkmenfilm. Year of release: 1990

Description: The plot, based on documentary evidence about the murder of prosecutor Halima Bakiyeva, unfolds in a small Turkmen town. Halima investigates a routine crime and unexpectedly encounters a mafia led by high-ranking government officials. A young Eastern woman enters an unequal battle. The outcome is predetermined... The film follows the tragic events in Chardzhou in the Turkmen SSR of the Soviet Union. Dedicated to the memory of Halima Rozymbayeva.

HALIMA 705 films turkmenfilms 1990.mp4

In 2000, one of my political and analytical books devoted to the authoritarian dictatorship in Turkmenistan was published by a major publishing house in Israel with a circulation of 15,000 copies. At that time, speaking openly about the internal reality of Turkmenistan required not only political courage, but also a clear understanding of the risks connected with criticizing one of the most closed and repressive regimes in the post-Soviet world. My work focused on the destruction of democratic institutions, systematic violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms, suppression of independent thought, and the transformation of an entire country into a rigid authoritarian system built around the cult of one ruler.

The book described the tragic contradiction between the enormous natural wealth of Turkmenistan and the catastrophic living conditions endured by a large part of the population. Despite possessing vast reserves of natural gas, oil, and significant agricultural resources, ordinary citizens were forced to survive in conditions of deep poverty, social insecurity, and economic hopelessness. Behind the official propaganda and carefully constructed image of “national prosperity” existed a completely different reality — one marked by fear, censorship, isolation, and the concentration of enormous wealth in the hands of a narrow ruling elite closely connected to the state apparatus.

Particular attention in the book was devoted to the formation of a political cult surrounding Saparmurat Niyazov and the transformation of state power into a mechanism of personal glorification and absolute control. The regime systematically cultivated an atmosphere in which loyalty to the ruler was elevated above law, institutions, and democratic principles. Society was gradually pushed toward political obedience, ideological conformity, and public demonstrations of devotion to power. At the same time, according to numerous assessments and sources available during that period, billions of dollars generated through the export of gas, oil, and other national resources disappeared into opaque financial structures and private networks connected to the ruling system.

The publication of this book caused a deeply negative reaction among representatives of the Turkmen authorities and among those connected to the political interests of the regime. Nevertheless, I considered it my moral and professional duty to speak publicly about the reality hidden behind the official façade of stability and prosperity. I believed then, and continue to believe today, that silence in the face of authoritarianism, corruption, and the humiliation of human dignity ultimately becomes a form of complicity. The purpose of the book was not political revenge or personal hostility, but an attempt to document the reality of an era and to preserve the truth about the conditions in which millions of people were forced to live.

The book was published in 2000. It was republished in 2010 by Publishing & Printing Complex in Israel with a circulation of 15,000 copies

About the Publication of the Book

This book was published twice. The latest revised edition was released in 2010 with a print run of 15,000 copies.

A significant portion of the edition was distributed free of charge to major parliamentary and scientific libraries throughout the democratic world. The publication was circulated exclusively for informational, research, and educational purposes and was never intended for commercial profit.

Complimentary copies of the book were donated to the libraries of legislative institutions in a number of countries, including the Library of Congress of the United States, the libraries of the U.S. Senate and the House of Representatives, the library of the Parliament of the United Kingdom, the library of the Bundestag of the Federal Republic of Germany, the library of the National Assembly of the French Republic, as well as other parliamentary and state research institutions.

Approximately 50 copies were sent to leading library and research institutions in the United States of America, including the U.S. Congress and affiliated analytical and academic centers.

In addition, the book was distributed among leading universities, research institutes, political study centers, and analytical organizations in Western Europe and North America specializing in international politics, democracy, human rights, and public governance.

All copies were provided entirely free of charge, as part of the author’s program for the dissemination of scholarly and analytical literature and in support of international academic and public dialogue.

The principal purpose of the publication was to draw the attention of the international academic community to the political development of Turkmenistan, as well as to issues related to democracy, human rights, freedom of speech, and public administration within the post-Soviet space.

The book became part of a broad international informational and analytical initiative and was incorporated into the collections of numerous libraries, archives, research institutions, and universities, thereby making its materials accessible to scholars, researchers, journalists, parliamentarians, and students across many countries of the world.

01 A film about a book about a criminal authoritarian dictatorial regime in a closed country.mp4

This world-famous photo was taken by me in February 1998 in Ashgabat during the celebration of Saparmurat Niyazov's birthday on February 19, 1998.

The photo clearly shows Seidbay Kandymovich GANDYMOV

Since 1999 - Chairman of the Board of the State Commercial Bank "Turkmenistan." Since May 24, 1999 - Chairman of the Board of the Central Bank of Turkmenistan. Bowing before the dictator, he kisses his hands as a sign of loyalty.

I sent the photo to Agence France-Presse (AFP), but they didn't even pay me a single cent in fees.

An investigation by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ) has uncovered dozens of suspicious transactions from Turkmenistan totaling $17 billion between 2001 and 2016. The investigation, in which Radio Azatlyk participated, details the transfer of hundreds of millions of US dollars from Turkmen government agencies to shell company accounts.

The ICIJ investigation is based on thousands of documents leaked from the US Treasury Department. The documents, from the US Treasury's Financial Crimes Enforcement Network (FinCEN), were obtained by journalists from Buzzfeed, who then shared them with the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ). Journalists from 88 countries reviewed them, including with the assistance of Radio Azatlyk's correspondents inside Turkmenistan.

Corruption in Ashgabat, as in many capitals around the world, is supported by the secret movement of money through offshore jurisdictions, often through the world's largest banks, according to journalist Will Fitzgibbon, the author of the article.

The ICIJ investigation describes dozens of suspicious transactions linked to Turkmenistan between 2001 and 2016, totaling $1.4 billion. The journalists note that the "suspicious" money transfers are not necessarily illegal, but bank employees concluded that they require further investigation.

"Such money transfers appear suspicious because they are repeated several times and typically involve shell companies," an employee of the world's largest financial corporation, Bank of New York Mellon, quotes him as saying.

For example, several British companies, which had no business activity at the time, received money transfers from Turkmen government agencies, the journalists discovered.

In one case, the Ministry of Trade and Foreign Economic Relations transferred $1.6 million to the account of a Scottish company, Intergold LP. Bank records list this transaction, conducted in December 2016, as "for confectionery." The documents indicate that the money was sent from bank accounts of the Ministry of Trade and Foreign Economic Relations of Turkmenistan, passed through Deutsche Bank in New York, and arrived in Intergold LP's accounts at a Latvian bank. The Turkmen Ministry of Trade was unfazed by the fact that Intergold LP had been founded 10 months earlier and had no known activity. The company's mailing address was an office in Glasgow, Scotland, called Mail Boxes Etc., which provides mailbox services for companies.

Intergold LP has since been renamed SL024852 LP, and no one knows who owns this company or whether it has any specific business activities.

A certain James Dickins, who signed the incorporation documents of Intergold LP, also signed documents for at least 200 companies across England, journalists discovered from FinCEN files. The author of the investigation was unable to contact this individual. Another signatory to the incorporation documents of Intergold LP was a certain Daniel O'Donoghue. When asked for comment by an ICIJ journalist, O'Donoghue stated that all his corporate activities are monitored by UK anti-money laundering authorities and that if journalists have "any evidence of criminality related to Intergold LP, you should contact law enforcement."

Annette Bohr, an analyst at the Royal Institute of International Affairs (Chatham House), expressed the opinion that this case may involve the diversion of funds from Turkmenistan's state budget.

"This definitely looks like a case of using a shell company to conceal funds stolen from the state treasury. They apparently thought that by framing the money transfer as 'for confectionery,' no suspicions would arise," Bohr told ICIJ.

Turkmenistan's Ministry of Trade and Foreign Economic Relations did not respond to requests for comment from ICIJ.

Deutsche Bank representatives also declined to provide any explanation regarding their relationship with Turkmenistan.

Notably, the German bank has a long history of relations with Turkmenistan. Deutsche Bank served as the international custodian of Turkmen financial reserves during the "bloody regime of former President-for-Life of Turkmenistan Saparmurat Niyazov," notes journalist Fitzgibbon.

According to the anti-corruption group Global Witness, Deutsche Bank held up to one-third of the country's revenues in accounts accessible only to Niyazov. As the former chairman of Turkmenistan's Central Bank told Global Witness, the billions of dollars in Deutsche Bank were effectively "Niyazov's personal pocket money."

An international consortium of investigative journalists was given approximately 2,500 documents somehow leaked from the Financial Crimes Enforcement Unit of the US Treasury Department. These are primarily reports that banks submitted to the US Treasury Department from 2000 to 2017. They detail suspicious activity by their clients.

Among other things, these documents revealed that prominent Russian businessmen transferred millions of dollars to people close to Russian President Vladimir Putin, and large Russian companies, including a state-owned one, paid people close to the leadership of other countries.

Saparmurat Niyazov's Legacy:

$27 Billion Stolen from Turkmenistan's Budget

From July 17 to 24, 2000, an International Monetary Fund mission led by Albert Jaeger visited Ashgabat.

In the lead-up to this visit, a rumor circulated among officials close to the financial sector that, in addition to the country's official gold and foreign exchange reserves, Turkmenistan held additional $27 billion in foreign exchange reserves, which were held in Saparmurat Niyazov's personal account at the German Central Bank.

Only a limited circle of people knew about the existence of this account, including and myself Your humble servant, with the approval of the Halk Maslahaty (the People's Council of Turkmenistan) and in order to accrue higher interest rates, decided to store Turkmenistan's foreign exchange reserves in my personal account. This speaks to the lack of control and permissiveness of the highest level of corruption in a system that, through the sale of gas, oil, and cotton, was practically plundering the state budget of Turkmenistan without any control.

The Turkmen Stalin: He called himself a great leader and turned his country into North Korea with penguins.

This time, we'll talk about the President of Turkmenistan, Saparmurat Niyazov, who nicknamed himself Turkmenbashi (Father of all Turkmens) and Akbar Sedar (Great Leader). He erected golden statues of himself throughout the country, outlawed cholera and AIDS, and banned ballet, opera, and the circus. Under his rule, the state became as closed as North Korea.

The Richest Man in Turkmenistan

That evening, the son of the President of Turkmenistan, Murad Niyazov, was unlucky from the start. He dropped into a casino in the Spanish capital, Madrid, with a friend who also enjoyed carousing and gambling, for a short while, but then got carried away. It was hard to resist: the alcohol was flowing freely, and the young man kept hoping he'd win it all back, but it didn't work out. In the end, he lost $12 million in just one night. A short time later, the story repeated itself in the Turkish capital, Ankara. However, there the young men owed an even larger sum – $20 million. The friends, who decided to make a quick getaway rather than repay their debt, were taken into custody. As usual, it fell to Murad's father, Saparmurat Niyazov, to resolve all the problems, immediately transferring the entire amount of his son's losses to the casino account.

"That man, even in life, enjoyed a level of fame that many only attain after death. Of all the modern despots, Saparmurat was the most flamboyant. The dictator's personality cult reached heights undreamed of. For example, he ordered a 50-meter-tall golden statue of the ruler to be erected in the capital, Ashgabat. His portrait adorned banknotes, postage stamps, and posters across the country. He gave his name to a melon variety renowned for its superb aroma, large size, and excellent taste, as well as to a city, and numerous streets and squares in the country. He commissioned the production of "Turkmenbashi" eau de toilette in France, featuring a scent the president so admired.

This man loved luxury, and it surrounded him everywhere: fashionable suits that cost exorbitant amounts of money, enormous rings with expensive gemstones. Those close to the head of state said that he especially loved diamonds and emeralds (as green symbolizes the color of Islam). His extensive collection included a 19-carat diamond of an unusual color—a particular source of pride for the head of state.

Niyazov lived in a presidential palace built of white marble in an oriental style and crowned with a golden dome. The rooms were decorated with precious woods and marble. Fourteen hand-woven carpets covering 218 square meters were commissioned for the interior, costing $55,000. The courtyard was adorned with a cascade of fountains and a 7.5-hectare park. Dozens of expensive limousines were parked in the president's garage.

Horses were his particular passion, especially Akhal-Teke horses—sacred animals in Turkmenistan, considered the country's national treasure. A stud farm was built near Ashgabat by order of the head of state, where the animals lived in literally royal conditions. They had their own swimming pools and veterinary centers equipped with the latest technology. The president often gave horses as gifts to heads of state.

The dictator treated Turkmenistan's natural resource wealth—gas, oil, and cotton—as if it were his own. It's no surprise that he accumulated over $27 billion in European banks.

The Eccentricities of a Despot

As soon as he became president in the 1990s, he changed the names of the months. January became known as Turkmenbashi, in honor of the president himself, and April as Gurbansoltan-Eje, in honor of his long-deceased mother (Niyazov also called her "bread"). In 2001, he wrote the philosophical and historical book Ruhnama ("Spirituality"), which became the second most popular book in the country after the Quran. Niyazov claimed that the Turkmens were the first to invent the wheel and cart, and to smelt metal. According to him, it was the Turkmens who founded more than 70 states in what is now Eurasia.

"I am the spirit of Turkmenistan, reborn to lead you to a golden age," reads one of Turkmenbashi's poems. "I am your savior... I have a keen eye—I see everything. If you are honest in your actions, I see it; if you commit sins, it will not escape my notice."

The Ruhnama was studied as a separate subject in schools and universities across the country, and exams were taken on it (it disappeared from the school curriculum only in 2013, six years after Turkmenbashi's death). Furthermore, children in schools and even kindergartens were forced to begin every morning with an oath of allegiance to their leader.

Niyazov loved to do everything with pomp and circumstance. He once announced his plans to build a penguin zoo in the Karakum Desert, where temperatures reach around 40 degrees Celsius. He also planned to build an ice palace capable of accommodating a thousand people near Ashgabat in the Kopetdag Mountains.

The funds for this project were funneled into the budget by pensioners. Turkmenbashi declared that those with adult children must be supported by him. Payments were also ignored for those who could not document their work experience.

Foreigners wishing to marry Turkmen women were also required to contribute to the country's budget. They were required to pay a bride price of $50,000. However, the number of such marriages that took place remains unknown.

Niyazov also outlawed all infectious diseases, including cholera and AIDS, prohibiting any mention of them. He abolished the circus, opera, and ballet, declaring that he didn't understand these art forms, adding that "it's impossible to instill in Turkmens a love for something that isn't in their blood." Incidentally, after his death, the circus and opera reappeared in the country, but ballet remains banned. Young men were strictly forbidden from wearing long hair, beards, and mustaches, and Turkmens were strictly forbidden from getting gold teeth or crowns. Furthermore, Niyazov closed libraries and hospitals—most of these new regulations were incomprehensible to anyone but Turkmenbashi himself.

The United States' Top Dictator

From 2003 until his death in 2006, Turkmenbashi was recognized as one of the top dictators by the American magazine Parade. In the West, Turkmenistan was compared to the Soviet Union under Stalin: a personality cult flourished, a repressive judicial system operated, and laws were crafted according to the leader's wishes. The opposition claimed that the country's culture was being destroyed, unemployment soared. Discontent was equated with treason and harshly punished.

Meanwhile, new monuments and busts of the beloved leader mushroomed everywhere, as well as several golden statues, one of which in Ashgabat cost the state treasury $10 million.

The leader's portrait gazed down upon citizens from thousands of posters and banners, adorning the walls of government buildings and the packaging of industrial and food products. State television channels tirelessly broadcast the leader's speeches. The leader's favorite horse was also given great honor: its image adorned the country's coat of arms and some banknotes.

Under Niyazov, Turkmenistan effectively became one of the most closed countries in the world. In the West, it was nicknamed the "North Korea of Central Asia." Meanwhile, even after the former leader's death, legends continue to circulate about the head of state's supernatural powers: he could kill a fly in mid-flight with just a glance, or cause or stop rain.

I grew up in one of the most brutal and closed dictatorships in the world (Turkmenistan).

I was born and raised in Turkmenistan. I've lived there almost my entire adult life. I have a degree in philosophy and a minor in law, so I can explain how the country functions. I now live in the Western Hemisphere.

The country was part of the Soviet Union. Therefore, it inherited a strange system. The government controls everything and is the largest employer in the country. At the same time, many services are privatized. For example, if you're a doctor, you work in a state-run clinic, but you don't receive a salary. Your salary is literally gifts (bribes) from patients, which you must also share with your boss, otherwise he'll fire you. You literally pay to work there. The same goes for the police and other services. I'll shorten this so you have an idea. Otherwise, it would take too long to explain.

Because the country is somewhat lawless. Anyone in power can do anything to you. People can disappear, you can be arrested and imprisoned for life for something you didn't do. All the worst things you can imagine, and sometimes even things you can't even imagine.

So far, nothing special is happening. But in the future, there will be wars over water. There's one river that supplies all the drinking water in the region, and every neighboring country wants it (Afghanistan, Uzbekistan). 4. It's safe for tourists, but getting a tourist visa to visit is almost impossible. A maximum of 5,000-10,000 foreigners are allowed to visit the country per year.

The country was "forged" by Stalin. So the original culture is nomadic, with elements of Islam, Persian culture, and pagan beliefs. The people are very religious and superstitious. If you had a time machine and met someone in 1890, they would look like a Turkmen. The country is constantly nominated as one of the worst in terms of corruption, freedom of speech, human rights, and internet access.

I don't have a country. But the place where I was born is quite racist. I was bullied because of my nationality, because it's not the main one. People there have a superiority complex. Because their education system teaches them that they are great simply by existing. People truly believe they are a great nation with a great past. Turkmens believe they have one of the oldest civilizations, although it was Persian, and the Turkmens arrived on this land later.

What religion? Or any beliefs? Traditional religions?

Their religion is Islam (Sunni); they have nomadic traditions with a lot of superstitions. Their country has been greatly influenced by Iran and Russia, since Turkmens are originally nomadic. They have strange beliefs, like burning some special dry grass.

He created his own calendar, renamed thousands of geographical features in the country after himself and his family, erected numerous golden statues of himself everywhere, forced TV hosts to swear allegiance to him during their daily programs, and did many other crazy things that would take hours to list.

He renamed months and days of the week after himself, his family members, and national heroes.

He renamed schools, airports, and even a meteorite after himself or his family members.

He erected golden statues of himself, including a rotating golden statue in the capital, Ashgabat, which always faced the sun.

He wrote the Ruhnama, a spiritual and philosophical text, which he declared mandatory reading for all citizens, especially students.

He banned long hair and beards for men.

He banned gold teeth, suggesting people chew bones to strengthen their teeth.

He banned synchronized singing, ballet, and opera.

He banned smoking after quitting smoking following heart surgery.

He demanded a massive ice palace in the middle of the desert so children could learn to skate.

He closed all hospitals and medical facilities outside the capital, claiming that people should travel to Ashgabat for treatment.

He fired thousands of healthcare workers and replaced them with untrained military conscripts.

Communism was the country's ideology. The Soviet Union was actually a socialist country. The biggest misconception is that it was a prison of nations. In fact, Soviet life is quite reminiscent of American/Western life, but a poorer version, until the 1970s, when the gap in goods and services was too great. I don't blame communism. Without a socialist upbringing, many countries wouldn't exist (Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and especially Turkmenistan). People in these countries still miss the USSR because they truly had a good, carefree life. People also had some human rights that were respected (surprising, I know), such as the ability to complain about their boss. In the USSR, you could tell your boss that he was incompetent, and you could also elect your boss at the factory; the hierarchy was linear. But I blame the Soviet Union for its authoritarian approach, but historically, nothing else could have happened. In short, Soviet people had fundamental rights that Americans didn't, like maternity leave and one month of vacation a year. But you couldn't vote for a "president," only for a local bureaucrat or a factory boss. Any political activity was considered treason. So people were amorphous when it came to real human rights after the Soviet Union, which is why almost every post-Soviet country is a dictatorship. We must treat any economic system as a tool. Let's think of capitalism as a hammer, but not everything is a nail. And we have the power to change that. People invent and reinvent their lives over and over again. So, we already know that capitalism is incapable of combating food insecurity because its fundamental belief is profit, but starving people usually don't have money. And how do you decide that food is a commodity when it should at the same time be a fundamental human right? Especially since we have so much food thanks to modern technology. As for the question of why Turkmens are like this. They were the worst when it came to education and literacy in the Soviet Union, so it's showing up now. Because all the dictators there are from the Soviet Union.

With the help of the UN, the OSCE, and the US Department of State, I escaped from that closed country. Now, as back then in 2004, escaping from Turkmenistan is practically impossible. And all the neighboring countries would happily deport you back, where you'd get 10 years in prison for illegally crossing the border. I don't feel any pride in my nationality; I think it's unnecessary. You can be proud of your people's achievements, but there's no one to be proud of from where I was born. I live, but I still don't belong to a Western nation.

Turkmens have no sense of community; they have an idea of "us" and "them." If you look at the flag, they have symbols in the red stripe. This represents the hierarchical structure of the Turkmen tribes. They are made up of tribes. So, the first one is the ruling one, they have unlimited power, they are the governors, they are the police, they are everything important. The second one is second in everything. So, if you are a member of one tribe, you have privileges, and you hang out with your people and so on. Even at work, they group together. They trust each other based on this fact alone. They can see from your first and last name what tribe you are from and what region you are from, so it's very simple. So, you have a ceiling on your abilities; if you are from the 2nd or 3rd tribe, you will never be promoted based on qualifications, but on loyalty.

No amount of baseless gossip or false accusations against me will ever outweigh the actual crimes committed by the criminal dictatorial regime in Turkmenistan. By trying to blacken my name, they only show their fear of the truth. My conscience is clear, and the whole world sees their crimes against human rights. The truth is on my side.

Any unsubstantiated statements and defamatory campaigns directed against me are merely an attempt to distract attention from the systemic violations and crimes of the dictatorial regime of Turkmenistan. The scale of this lie cannot hide or justify the criminal actions committed by the authorities against the country's citizens. I intend to defend my innocence at the international and legal levels.

All the lies, slander, and dirty gossip against me are nothing compared to the massive crimes of the dictatorial regime in Turkmenistan. Trying to destroy my reputation is the sheer helplessness of a system that is terrified of the truth.

NEW DICTATOR, NEW MADNESS!

Since December 2006, Turkmenistan has been ruled by the insane regime of Berdimuhamedov

STOP THE TYRANNY!

Introduction: Two Decades of Absolute Madness

December 2006 marked a critical turning point in the modern history of Turkmenistan. The sudden death of the first dictator, Saparmurat Niyazov, seemed to open a fleeting window of opportunity and offer a long-awaited hope for reform to a tormented nation. However, instead of a democratic transition and a return to constitutional norms, the state faced a treacherous and rapid seizure of power.

At this critical juncture, Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov stepped onto the political arena—a former personal physician, an obedient servant, and a loyal slave to the deceased tyrant. A man who had silently watched the destruction of his own people for years instantly dropped his mask of submissiveness. To satisfy his personal ambitions, he proceeded to directly and flagrantly violate the foundational laws of Turkmenistan.

Berdimuhamedov's rise to the country's leadership was executed through an outright constitutional coup . The lawful successor, Chairman of the Mejlis Ovezgeldy Atayev, was swiftly arrested on fabricated charges. By violating the sacred text of the Constitution that guaranteed the separation of powers, Berdimuhamedov unlawfully headed the State Security Council, clearing his path to absolute control.

Relying on security forces and the fear of the nomenklatura, the former servant usurped all branches of government. Hastily organized, sham elections merely simulated the people's will, serving as a smokescreen to legitimize a state crime. Thus began an era that marked the inception of a new, even more sophisticated nightmare for the citizens of Turkmenistan.

Upon reaching the summit, Berdimuhamedov did not merely preserve his predecessor's repressive apparatus; he drove it to absolute absurdity. The already deplorable state of civil rights, freedoms, and the embers of democracy degenerated at a frightening pace under the new ruler. The country, already scarred by Niyazov’s personality cult, plunged into the abyss of an ugly and despotic tyranny.

The new regime elevated arbitrariness to the rank of state policy, turning Turkmenistan into a closed sanctuary of totalitarianism. Berdimuhamedov monopolized not only the economic resources of a wealthy land but also the very right of the people to free thought. Any manifestation of dissent, criticism, or attempt to claim one's rights was ruthlessly and uncompromisingly purged by punitive organs.

The usurper turned state governance into a farce, and the very form of dictatorship into an ugly spectacle completely devoid of common sense. Against a backdrop of poverty, shortages of basic products, and severe censorship, the ruler fed his ego with absurd cults, golden monuments, and the forced glorification of his persona. Behind the facade of mock prosperity lay the total enslavement of millions of people.

For two decades now, this regime has held the country hostage, demonstrating to the world an example of absolute and unchecked rule. Years passed, global geopolitics shifted, but the plight of the Turkmen people remained invariably tragic. An entire generation has grown up in conditions where fear of the state machine has become the primary rule of survival.

Even the formal transfer of the presidential chair to his own son did not change the essence of this dictatorship, as the real levers of control and the status of "Arkadag" remain firmly in the hands of Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov. This carricaturish, yet no less bloody family monarchy continues to suffocate the potential of a great nation, draining the country of its last strength.

This text is a chronicle of a twenty-year crime against humanity, legality, and justice. We are duty-bound to openly tear the mask off this insane regime and show the world how a slave who betrayed the law and the constitution turned an entire state into his personal, lawless prison.

After the death of Turkmenistan’s previous dictator, Saparmurat Niyazov, in December 2006, the country found itself at a historic crossroads. Many citizens, exhausted by long years of personality cult, total fear, and political isolation, hoped that with Niyazov’s departure there would emerge an opportunity for cautious reforms, gradual liberalization, and the restoration of at least the most basic principles of legality and human dignity. However, those hopes were cruelly betrayed.

Contrary to the spirit and provisions of the Constitution of Turkmenistan, power in the country was effectively seized by a man who for many years had been a loyal servant and executor of the previous regime’s will — Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov. Exploiting the state apparatus, the closed nature of the country, and the complete absence of independent institutions, he rapidly concentrated absolute power in his own hands.

The rise of Berdimuhamedov to state leadership did not become a transition toward democratic transformation. On the contrary, Turkmenistan entered a new era of authoritarianism, in which the previous dictatorship did not disappear but merely changed its face and assumed even more sophisticated and grotesque forms. The old cult of personality was dismantled only so that a new one could arise in its place.

Behind outward slogans of “reforms,” “modernization,” and “openness,” the regime continued to maintain total control over society. Freedom of speech, independent journalism, political opposition, and even the most basic civil rights remained under severe prohibition. Any criticism of the authorities was treated as a crime against the state.

For more than twenty years, the country has continued to exist under conditions of virtually complete political monopoly exercised by one family and a narrow circle of loyal associates. The state system gradually transformed into a mechanism of personal control, where the fate of millions of citizens depends not on law or constitutional order, but on the will of the ruling elite.

Particularly tragic is the fact that Turkmenistan, despite possessing enormous natural resources and vast economic potential, has failed to transform its wealth into a dignified standard of living for its own people. Revenues from gas and natural resources did not lead to the creation of a free society or a developed economy; instead, they only strengthened the system of authoritarian rule and isolation.

Behind the façade of ostentatious prosperity, marble palaces, and expensive state projects lies a deep crisis of human rights, the absence of an independent judiciary, fear of the security services, and the complete suppression of civic initiative. In reality, there are virtually no mechanisms of democratic oversight over power in the country.

The Berdimuhamedov regime constructed a state model based on a cult of personality, political loyalty, and fear. State-controlled media became an instrument of continuous propaganda, while any form of dissent came to be perceived as a threat to the existing system.

Of particular concern is the fact that during the years of dictatorship an entire generation has grown up without ever experiencing freedom of speech, an independent press, or genuine political competition. For millions of citizens, the atmosphere of fear and silence has become a habitual part of everyday life.

This study is an attempt to calmly, consistently, and documentarily demonstrate how, after December 2006, Turkmenistan ultimately transformed into one of the most closed and authoritarian states in the modern world. This work is not an emotional pamphlet, but rather a long-term analytical examination of a system of power built upon the suppression of freedom, fear, and unrestricted control over society and the state.

Over time, the regime of Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov transformed Turkmenistan not merely into an authoritarian state, but into a closed caste-clan family dynasty, where the most important state decisions are made in the interests of a narrow circle of relatives and loyal associates. The state system increasingly came to resemble a form of hereditary personal rule, far removed from the principles of republican and constitutional governance.

The clearest confirmation of this was the subsequent transfer of power to Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov’s son, Serdar Berdimuhamedov, who assumed the presidency of Turkmenistan through a fully controlled political system deprived of genuine political competition and independent democratic institutions. In effect, the country was handed over according to a hereditary principle within a single ruling family.

At the same time, the influence of the Berdimuhamedov family extended far beyond formal state positions. A vast number of key political, financial, economic, and administrative levers gradually became concentrated in the hands of family members, relatives, and the regime’s closest inner circle. Power in the country increasingly acquired the characteristics of a closed family-clan system of governance.

As a result, Turkmenistan found itself in a situation where state institutions ceased to serve society and the rule of law, and instead became instruments serving the interests of the ruling dynasty. The Constitution, parliament, judiciary, and state apparatus gradually lost their independent significance, turning into decorative elements of a controlled political mechanism.

Under Berdimuhamedov, the cult of personality assumed even more absurd and hypertrophied forms. State propaganda began systematically glorifying not only the ruler himself, but also members of his family, creating around them the image of an untouchable political elite standing above both society and the state.

Such a model of governance led to the further destruction of the principles of social justice and equality among citizens. Opportunities for career advancement, access to state resources, and political influence increasingly depended not on professional merit, but on one’s proximity to the ruling clan and the system of personal loyalty.

He stole over $40 billion from the country's state budget during his reign.

The World's Most Insane Dictator – Why Everyone Is Fleeing Turkmenistan.

Currently, Turkmenistan is one of the most closed countries in the post-Soviet space, and the country's political regime severely restricts citizens' freedom. Strange laws, a cult of the president, a reverence for books about tea…

02 A film about a book about a criminal authoritarian dictatorial regime in a closed country.mp4

Dedicated to my children and grandchildren. I write this so that you may know the truth about a time of great meaning, about the country that taught me honor, and about the values I have carried throughout my life. May this memory serve as your foundation and a reminder that conscience and the law must always stand above any dictatorship.

MY HOMELAND IS AN ATLANTIS SUBMERGED: THE CONFESSION OF A MAN OF THE EMPIRE

Heart’s Memory: My Homeland — the USSR

For me, the Homeland is not merely a point on a map; it is an entire era, scented with the sun-warmed sands of the Karakum and the freshness of spring in Ashgabat. I was born in the Turkmen SSR during a beautiful post-war period, when the world was relearning how to smile. It was a time of creation, when we, the children of a great country, believed in an endless horizon of possibilities, and the word "friendship" required no translation or borders.

My childhood, youth, and coming-of-age took place under the shadow of the red banner, which back then seemed eternal. The USSR gave me everything: a foundation of knowledge from the finest universities, clear moral compasses, and the belief that hard work and talent could open any door. It was a country where the son of an ordinary man could become a Doctor of Sciences, a Senior Investigator for Especially Important Cases, and a Colonel, relying solely on his honor and intellect.

I recall the years of my professional formation with deep trepidation. It was that country that recognized my calling, granting me authority and the respect of my colleagues. My career was not just a personal success; it was a service to a vast society where law and order were not empty words but the very bedrock of statehood. Being elected to the Parliament of the USSR was the pinnacle of my civic journey—a moment when the voice of reason and justice echoed at the highest level.

I perceived the collapse of the Soviet Union as a personal tragedy, the ruin of my ancestral home. My Homeland—that great multinational family—suddenly vanished, leaving us amidst the debris of former greatness. To this day, I yearn for that sense of belonging to something truly monumental and just, for that confidence in tomorrow that no new flags can ever replace.

What emerged in place of my flourishing republic—the authoritarian regime and personality cult of Saparmurat Niyazov (Turkmenbashi)—came as a profound shock to me. This new reality, steeped in dictatorship and isolation, never was and never will be my country. I did not and do not accept this system, which destroyed everything we believed in, substituting freedom and law with the personal whims of a tyrant.

My country—the USSR—was a space of enlightenment and progress, not a place for erecting golden statues to living dictators. It was there, in the past, that my recognition and my dignity remained. In a new value system built on fear and the worship of one man, there is no place for an Officer of Justice accustomed to serving the Law rather than the caprices of the "Father of all Turkmen."

This nostalgia is not merely a longing for youth; it is a longing for meaning. We were building a society of the future, yet we found ourselves in a Middle Age draped in modern scenery. My authority and status, earned through years of impeccable service within the KGB system and the halls of the Supreme Soviet, belong to that Atlantis which submerged but remained forever in my heart.

Today, looking at the pages of my books, I realize that I am continuing the very same struggle for truth that my real Homeland taught me. I remain faithful to the ideals of honor and justice gifted to me by the Soviet Union. My home is where the law stands above ambition, and a person is valued for their mind and contribution to society. As long as I live, the memory of my country will live in every word I write.

IN THE EPICENTER OF NUCLEAR HELL: AN INVESTIGATOR IN PRIPYAT

My journey in justice began not in quiet offices, but in the very heart of the greatest technological disaster in human history. In April 1986, as a young investigator for the KGB's Investigative Directorate interning in Moscow, I was dispatched to Kyiv and then to the ghost city of Pripyat. As part of the government investigative task force of the KGB, the USSR Prosecutor General’s Office, and the Ministry of Internal Affairs, I—a 23-year-old officer—was tasked with investigating the causes of the Chernobyl nuclear disaster.

From April 27 to May 11, 1986, I was stationed in the active radiation zone. It was a time when heroism was the only means of saving the world. I still remember the metallic taste of dust on my lips and the ringing silence of the evacuated city. We worked where the dosimeters went off the charts, knowing that every minute in the zone was the price we paid for the truth.

One of my most profound memories was working alongside Valery Legasov—the great nuclear scientist and a man of incredible bravery. Together, we literally "crawled" through the entire reactor hall of the destroyed Power Unit 4, reconstructing the chain of fatal events step by step. His selflessness and clarity of mind in the face of mortal danger served as my ultimate lesson in professionalism.

In those days at Chernobyl, we did not think of awards or the doses of radiation we were absorbing. The massive dose of radiation I received in Pripyat remained in my body forever, but it also tempered my character. We were not looking for scapegoats for a report; we were seeking the truth for the sake of the future, navigating through the piles of graphite and concrete of the ruined reactor.

For my contribution to the liquidation of the accident's consequences and the composure shown in the zone of mortal peril, I was awarded the Order "For Personal Courage" by decree of the President of the USSR. This was my second state award of the Soviet Union—a symbol that duty to the Motherland and to the truth stands above one's own life.

Chernobyl taught me the most important lesson: truth is the most expensive category in the world. It may cost lives, but without it, there is no future. This "liquidator" experience shaped me as an investigator for especially important cases, teaching me to separate the superficial from the authentic, and lies from the facts for which people paid with their blood.

I look back at that time with deep nostalgia—not for the catastrophe, but for the magnificent people fate brought me together with. In Pripyat and Chernobyl, I saw the true elite of my Motherland: scientists, officers, and engineers who, without hesitation, stood in the path of an invisible enemy. It is their spirit that I have carried within me all these years.

Today, as I expose corruption and lies in the highest echelons of power, I rely on the same resolve we had in May 1986. One who has walked through the reactor hall of Chernobyl does not fear political intrigue or threats. My Order is not just metal; it is a vow of loyalty to the Truth, taken by me in Pripyat forty years ago.

In August 1986, by a special decree of the Prosecutor General of the USSR, I was once again dispatched on a special flight to the Ukrainian SSR. The mission was of paramount importance and secrecy: the arrest of the former Director of the Chernobyl NPP, Viktor Petrovich Bryukhanov. I personally carried out his detention and ensured his transport from Kyiv to Moscow, to the KGB investigative isolation ward. This mission required not only legal precision but also immense fortitude, as the entire country awaited answers, and Bryukhanov was the central figure in the investigation.

One of the most vivid memories of that period was accompanying Bryukhanov to an emergency meeting of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee. It was there that I first saw Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev and the country’s top leadership in person as they made historic decisions. Standing at the very epicenter of state power, I witnessed how, behind closed doors, the fates of not only those involved in the accident but the entire nuclear industry were being decided. This unique experience—stretching from the reactor hall in Pripyat to the halls of the Kremlin—finally convinced me: the truth is always more complex than official versions, and one must fight to the end to establish it.

This unique experience — from the deadly reactor hall in Pripyat to the secure chambers of the Kremlin and Politburo meetings — became my "baptism of fire." Accompanying the Chernobyl NPP Director, Viktor Bryukhanov, under arrest and witnessing the superpower's top leadership led by Mikhail Gorbachev, I realized a fundamental truth: behind every large-scale disaster and loud slogan, there are always specific human decisions, mistakes, and interests.

Chernobyl taught me the most important lesson: never to be intimidated by high titles or prominent names. If you have looked into the gaping maw of a ruptured reactor and understood where state-level lies lead, you can no longer be frightened by the political weight of modern-day functionaries. It is this hardening that allows me today, decades later, to conduct an uncompromising investigation into Masud Gharahkhani and his inner circle. He who sought the truth in the radioactive ash of 1986 will not back down before the corrupt schemes of 2026. My Order is a reminder that an officer's conscience has no expiration date.

THE PRICE OF TRUTH: CHERNOBYL 1986 AND THE ORDER FOR PERSONAL COURAGE

This Order is more than just a decoration; it is a testament to the days when the future hung by a thread. In April 1986, at just 23 years old, I was sent directly into the radioactive inferno of Pripyat. As a young investigator for the KGB’s Investigative Directorate, I was tasked with uncovering the real causes of the catastrophe at the Chernobyl Nuclear Power Plant.

While the world held its breath, we worked within the active zone. Together with the legendary nuclear physicist Valery Legasov, I examined the ruins of Power Unit 4. We climbed through graphite dust and crushed concrete to reconstruct the chain of events, fully aware that every minute in the zone came at a high cost in radiation. It was there, in the shadow of the destroyed reactor, that I learned that truth is the most precious, yet also the most dangerous category in the world.

For my efforts during the liquidation of the consequences and for the courage shown in a situation of mortal danger, I was awarded the Order "For Personal Courage" by decree of the President of the USSR. The award ceremony took place in the Kremlin in Moscow on November 23, 1987.

This is my foundation. Today, when I investigate corruption and the abuse of power in the corridors of authority, I draw strength from those days in May 1986. One who has looked into the heart of an exploded reactor is not intimidated by political intrigues or threats. This Order is my oath to the truth—an oath I took in Pripyat forty years ago, and one I continue to uphold today through my books and my work.

Six Lives Saved: A Heroic Act on the Oka and Its Echo Through Decades

The spring of 1979. I was a high school senior from Ashgabat, visiting my grandmother for the holidays in the village of Luzhki, near Serpukhov. Nearby lay the majestic Oka River and the Prioksko-Terrasny Nature Reserve. It was a scene of serene silence, which was shattered in an instant by the cracking of ice.

Tragedy on Thin Ice

It was a treacherous early spring. About 20 meters from the shore, village boys had started a game of hockey on the river. The ice gave way. In a heartbeat, the children were in the freezing water—a place where the depth and strong current forgive no mistakes.

I was 16 years old. Without a second thought, I plunged into the water. I managed to pull out six boys, all aged 8 and 9. Sadly, the river claimed four others... they were only found three months later. This tragedy shook the entire district. My actions were later featured in the newspapers Komsomolskaya Pravda and Moskovsky Komsomolets, and the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR awarded me the Medal "For the Salvation of the Drowning."

Life After the Rescue: Who Did Those Boys Become?

The greatest reward for me is not the metal of the medal, but the kind of men those boys grew up to be. Today, decades later, I look at their paths with pride:

Two became gifted cardiac surgeons. Now, they are the ones fighting death every day, saving lives on the operating table.
Three serve in the police force. They chose a path of protecting the law and the peace of our citizens, continuing to guard the country.
One became an excellent engineer, designing modern agricultural machinery and building for the future of our land.

They remember me. And most importantly, their children know and remember this story as well.

The Ultimate Reward

Sometimes I think about how a single second and a single impulse can change the future. Back then, in the icy waters of the Oka, I was simply saving the neighborhood boys. In reality, I was saving entire generations—their future families and all the people they help today. When their children call me, or when we simply meet, I realize that my life has been lived for a reason. After all, the highest reward is not the one kept in a box on a shelf, but the one that continues to beat in the hearts of the people you once helped stay on this shore.

A Moral Choice: When Honor Becomes Action

In every person’s life, there comes a moment of truth—a moment that tests not the strength of one’s muscles, but the resilience of the spirit and the purity of the conscience. On that March day in 1979, on the banks of the Oka, for me—a 16-year-old boy—it wasn’t a matter of choice; it was a call of duty. Decency and humanity are not taught through words; they manifest at the very second another’s tragedy becomes your own.

Honor and dignity are not loud slogans; they are a quiet readiness to risk oneself for the sake of another. To plunge into icy water as the ice gives way beneath your feet is the ultimate expression of a moral principle: "The life of my neighbor is worth more than my own fear."

Today, looking at the lives of those boys, I see how one person’s honest act takes root in the nobility of others. The fact that those rescued boys grew up to be doctors, officers, and creators confirms a great moral law: goodness born from a pure heart always returns to the world a hundredfold.

A person’s true moral character is defined not by the medals on their chest, but by the imprint they leave on the souls of others. And if, nearly half a century later, the children of those I saved know this story, it means the legacy of honor is alive. This is the most important victory: to pass on to the next generations the belief that integrity, compassion, and devotion to duty are the pillars upon which the world stands.

Instead of an epilogue:
In the photograph is my first state award. Но when I look at it, I see more than just embossed brass—I see the faces of those six men and their children. That is the true legacy of that distant spring of 1979.

The Medal "For the Salvation of the Drowning"

This was an official state award of the USSR, established on February 16, 1957.

Awarded to: Citizens of the USSR and other nations for courage and selflessness displayed while rescuing people from water.
Status: A high recognition of personal bravery. In the Soviet honors system, it belonged to a distinguished group of medals awarded for saving lives and maintaining public order.

I have the honor to welcome you, dear friends and like-minded people!

You are visiting my official resource—a sanctuary of memory created for those who, like myself, cherish the warmth of the fraternal embrace of the peoples of our vast Union. My life has been inextricably linked to the service of the Soviet Union: from investigative work within the KGB to defending the interests of the people in the Supreme Soviet of the USSR.

In 1989, I was awarded the Order of Friendship of Peoples for my contribution to the unity of our great nation. To this day, this honor defines my path. Here, I share my story as an officer and a legislator—a story where every word is backed by real deeds and an enduring nostalgia for a time when the friendship of 123 nations knew no borders.

Please, come in. Here, we honor integrity, fidelity to the truth, and the remembrance of our great past. I thank you for your interest in our shared history and the preservation of our memory.

The Heritage of a Great Power
I was raised in a country that served as a home to 15 republics and 123 unique nations. It was far more than a mere political union; it was a living organism, forged by the indissoluble bonds of unity. The USSR showed the world a singular example of how diverse cultures, languages, and traditions could build a shared future, enriching one another in the process.

A Symbol of Supreme Recognition
Held close to my heart is the Order of Friendship of Peoples, bestowed upon me in 1989. To me, this honor is the crowning achievement of my life’s work—a recognition of my contribution to the most sacred thing we possessed: the sincere and profound trust between people of different nationalities, bound by a common destiny.

An Unbreakable Brotherhood
We lived in an era when the word "brother" knew no borders. Together, we built cities, conquered the cosmos, and defended global peace. It was a magnificent school of belonging, where your neighbor's joy was your own, and their hardship was your personal grief. The peoples of the USSR were a single family, and that memory is immortal.

Honor and Fidelity to Ideals
To receive such an award from the President of the USSR meant accepting an eternal obligation to remain faithful to the ideals of humanity. Though that Great Country is no longer on the map, its spirit lives within me. I cherish this Order as a symbol of a time when human relationships were valued far above material wealth.

A Unique Melting Pot of Cultures
The Soviet Union was an unprecedented historical project. We proved that 123 nations could live in peace, preserving their identities while simultaneously forging a powerful superpower. It was a harmony of diversity, the likes of which history had never seen before.

Remembrance of the Golden Age of Friendship
I look back on those years with deep nostalgia and immense pride. The friendship of peoples was not a mere slogan; it was a daily reality—in every courtyard, at every construction site, and in every home. It was an epoch of monumental achievements, made possible only by our extraordinary solidarity.

My Personal Pride
The Order of Friendship of Peoples is my conscience. It serves as a constant reminder that I served a noble cause. I am proud to have been part of that grand creative process, and no global shift can ever make me forget the high standard of nobility that the Union set for us all.

A Message for the Future
Let these words serve as a testament to how majestic friendship can be when it is rooted in mutual respect and a shared purpose. The Great Country has passed into history, but its primary lesson—the unity of peoples—must live on in our hearts forever.

The Echo of a Vanished World
Today, as I look at the map, I feel a profound and quiet sorrow for the Great Country that is no longer there. My journey was woven into its very heart—from the warm streets of Ashgabat to Tashkent, where my university years shaped my future. I remember Moscow not just as a capital, but as the forge of my destiny: from the rigorous discipline of the KGB Investigative Directorate to the immense responsibility of the Central Committee of the CPSU. It is a bittersweet nostalgia for a world where we felt invincible because we stood together in the halls of the Supreme Soviet, fighting for integrity within the Anti-Corruption Commission. The red banners have been lowered, but in my soul, the Union remains a vast, sun-drenched land where the melody of friendship drowned out any discord.

The Eternal Flame of Memory
It is painful to realize that such a monumental brotherhood—one I served at the highest levels of parliament and state security—has become a mere chapter in history books. The warmth of that era, which I felt in every corner of our shared home, can no longer be experienced by the new generations. I carry this nostalgia not as a burden, but as a sacred flame. Even if that Great State has vanished into the mists of time, its heartbeat continues within me. My heart will forever ache for that lost paradise of unity, for the brotherly embrace of the Soviet peoples, and for the honor of having stood guard over the values of a country that was truly a family of nations.

My participation in the main military parade of the USSR on November 7, 1984 in Moscow

The Soviet Troops' Military Parade on Red Square, the USSR's main square.

The Soviet government, led by General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee Konstantin Chernenko and future General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee Mikhail Gorbachev, stands on the central podium of Lenin's Mausoleum.

7 ноября 1984 года СССР.mp4

My participation in the main military parade of the USSR on November 7, 1984 in Moscow

This video is from the archive of the USSR Central Television, 1984.

Video available from the YouTube channel for publication with the copyright holder's permission.

Military parade and workers' demonstration on Red Square, dedicated to the 67th anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution.

Main Information Office of the USSR Central Television, 1984

POST-SOVIET PERIOD TURKMENISTAN

Assistant to the President of Turkmenistan on legal and political issues 1990-2001

ADVISOR TO THE PRESIDENT OF TURKMENISTAN

on Legal and Political Affairs

From 1990 to 2001, actively participated in the processes of state formation and socio-political development of Turkmenistan during the complex historical period following the collapse of the Soviet Union. The work was connected with matters of national importance, including the establishment of the foundations of a democratic legal state, the development of public administration, and participation in the country’s political transformation.

Special attention was devoted to issues of legality, the development of legal mechanisms of governance, and the search for political stability during the difficult transition of the post-Soviet period. Work within the sphere of state administration required a deep understanding of political processes, a high level of responsibility, and the ability to make decisions during a time of historic change.

During this period, active involvement included the analysis of internal political developments, public sentiment, and the interaction between state institutions and society. Considerable attention was also given to information policy, legal reforms, and the strengthening of state institutions during the early years of independence.

The formation of independent Turkmenistan was accompanied by serious political, social, and economic challenges. Participation in these state processes became an important professional and personal experience, providing deep insight into the functioning of government institutions and the political evolution of the post-Soviet region.

The experience gained through governmental and socio-political activity later became the foundation for analytical, journalistic, and research work dedicated to issues of law, politics, public administration, and historical transformation within the post-Soviet space.

At the Dawn of Diplomacy: The Historical Mission of June 8, 1992

June 8, 1992, marks a significant chapter in my biography and the history of two nations: it was the day diplomatic relations were officially established between Turkmenistan and Norway. By order of President Saparmurat Niyazov, and alongside the Chairman of the Mejlis, Sakhat Muradov, I had the distinct honor of receiving the credentials of King Harald V from the Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary, Dagfinn Stenseth. This pivotal moment laid the foundation for friendship and cooperation between our peoples—a cause to which I dedicated my utmost effort and professionalism.

My acquaintance with Dagfinn Stenseth began as early as 1987, during his tenure as the Norwegian Ambassador to the USSR. Our reunion in Ashgabat in 1992 was filled with mutual respect and warmth. In the following years, our paths crossed again on Norwegian soil; I visited him at his home in Vestfossen, Øvre Eiker. Those meetings were always enriched by wisdom and shared memories of the times when we worked together to build bridges between the East and the North.

It was a source of profound personal sorrow to learn that Dagfinn Stenseth passed away in 2019. Regrettably, I was undergoing intensive medical treatment in Berlin at the time and was unable to bid a final farewell to this distinguished diplomat and dear friend. This work stands, in part, as a tribute to our shared mission and the ideals of integrity in diplomacy that we both held dear.

During the official reception of the OSCE delegation in Ashgabat on August 23, 2000, with the President of Turkmenistan Saparmurat Niyazov, on the right in the photo at the end I am the assistant to the President of Turkmenistan

Guardian of National Interests: On the Frontlines of Diplomacy

Working within the administration of the President of Turkmenistan and overseeing legal and political affairs, I found myself at the very epicenter of a shifting geopolitical reality. In the wake of the Soviet Union's collapse, Turkmenistan faced challenges that demanded not only diplomatic flexibility but a core of steel in defending national interests. By personal decree of President Saparmurat Niyazov, I was entrusted to represent the nation in complex negotiations where sovereignty and territorial integrity were at stake.

One of the most pressing issues was the emergence of territorial claims from neighboring states, surfacing in the vacuum left by the post-Soviet transition. The authorities of the Islamic Republic of Iran almost immediately began to assert claims over parts of Turkmenistan’s western regions. These pretensions lacked any legal basis, yet they required an immediate and meticulously calculated legal response to prevent escalation along our borders.

Simultaneously, the situation in the Caspian Sea grew increasingly volatile. The Republic of Azerbaijan openly laid claim to sectors of the water area where major oil fields had been developed since the Soviet era. At the heart of the dispute were strategically vital assets—the "Serdar" and "Guneshli" fields—which, according to international norms and historical records, rightfully belonged to Turkmenistan.

My frequent missions to Tehran and Baku during those years resembled an endless marathon on the brink of political collapse. Negotiations were conducted in an atmosphere of extreme tension. The opposing sides maintained a rigid, sometimes aggressive stance, openly attempting to "seize a larger piece of the pie" from the shared heritage of the dissolved superpower. This was not merely a fight for centimeters on a map; it was a battle for the energy future of our country.

Dialogue with the Iranian side was particularly arduous. Their negotiating style was characterized by a specific oriental complexity, masking a desire to redraw historically established borders. We had to construct a multi-layered system of legal defense, relying on archival documents and international law to temper the ambitions of those who hoped for weakness within the new Turkmen administration.

Meetings in Baku were no less confrontational. Seeking to monopolize the resources of the Caspian Sea, the Azerbaijani side utilized every available lever of pressure. The negotiation rooms practically crackled with tension; every comma in the final protocols became the subject of hours-long debates. My task was not merely to listen to grievances but to clearly define the "red lines" that Turkmenistan would not cross under any circumstances.

In those moments, I felt the immense weight of responsibility. A single error in phrasing or an undue concession could have cost the state billions in losses and the forfeiture of ancestral lands. The hostility and pressure from our neighbors only strengthened my resolve—we were defending our right to exist and our natural wealth.

The diplomacy of that era was not conducted in quiet offices; it was a true frontline where words served as shields and expertise in international law functioned as a sword. We were confronted by seasoned politicians who viewed Turkmenistan only as a territory for expansion. However, the firm will of the President and our uncompromising work on the legal justification of our borders forced our opponents to respect Turkmenistan as a sovereign and powerful player.

Every trip to Tehran or Baku demanded not only professionalism but personal courage. Standing one's ground while facing intense political pressure from regional leaders is a test of character that I underwent daily. We refused to allow the division of the Caspian shelf to become a unilateral seizure of our resources.

The culmination of this years-long, grueling struggle was the preservation of stability and the recognition of our rights on the international stage. These pages of my biography are more than just memories of foreign assignments; they are a chronicle of how Turkmenistan’s independence was forged amidst chaos and the claims of neighbors. We stood firm where others might have faltered, securing for future generations that which rightfully belongs to our people.

1993. BAKU.

MEETING WITH HEYDAR ALIYEV, THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF AZERBAIJAN.

NEGOTIATIONS ON THE RESOLUTION OF CRITICAL TERRITORIAL AND POLITICAL DISPUTES.

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I would like to share a bit about my grandsons, the children of my eldest daughter Leonia from Haifa, Israel. My greatest source of pride is my eldest daughter, Leonia, who left the Soviet Union for Israel in 1987 during the Gorbachev Perestroika and now resides in Haifa. Today, she is a Doctor of Medical Sciences, an outstanding neurosurgeon, and a leading specialist in Israeli neurosurgery, who has saved countless lives both in her home country and abroad. Every victory she achieves in the operating room fills my heart with endless joy, yet the greatest warmth comes from her wonderful children—my beloved grandchildren—who have become the true continuation of this incredible life journey. Meir, who represents our family from Israel, is currently conquering London and studying composition at the Royal College of Music. As for Alfred, everything is going wonderful for him too, and he has an equally bright future ahead! Family is the greatest legacy a person can leave behind.

As a grandfather of five wonderful grandchildren — three grandsons and two granddaughters — I see in them not only the continuation of our family, but also the future shaped by talent, kindness, education, and creativity. Their achievements, music, smiles, and dreams are among the greatest joys and deepest inspirations in my life. Alfred began playing the piano at the age of four, and today, at 12 years old, he continues his musical journey with dedication, sensitivity, and genuine talent. 🎹✨

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Music is one of the highest forms of human expression, uniting discipline, emotion, and inner harmony. Meir, 17 years old, continues his musical journey with remarkable dedication and artistic sensitivity. His piano performance reflects not only technical skill, but also a deep emotional connection to classical music and creative expression. 🎹✨

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